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ESSAY IN PROGRESS
The Abolition Of Work

No one should ever work.

Work is the source of nearly all the misery in the world. Almost any evil you'd care to name comes from working or from living in a world designed for work. In order to stop suffering, we have to stop working.

That doesn't mean we have to stop doing things. It does mean creating a new way of life based on play; in other words, a ludic conviviality, commensality, and maybe even art. There is more to play than child's play, as worthy as that is. I call for a collective adventure ingeneralized joy and freely interdependent exuberance. Play isn't passive. Doubtless we all need a lot more time for sheer sloth and slack than we ever enjoy now, regardless of income or occupation, butonce recovered from employment-induced exhaustion nearly all of us wantto act. Oblomovism and Stakhanovism are two sides of the same debased coin.

The ludic life is totally incompatible with existing reality. So muchthe worse for "reality," the gravity hole that sucks the vitality from the little in life that still distinguishes it from mere survival. Curiously—or maybe not—all the old ideologies are conservative because they believe in work. Some of them, like Marxism and mostbrands of anarchism, believe in work all the more fiercely because they believe in so little else.

Liberals say we should end employment discrimination. I say we shouldend employment. Conservatives support right-to-work laws. Following Karl Marx's wayward son-in-law Paul Lafargue I support the right to be lazy. Leftists favor full employment. Like the surrealists—exceptthat I'm not kidding—I favor full unemployment. Trotskyists agitate for permanent revolution. I agitate for permanent revelry. But if all the ideologues (as they do) advocate work—and not only because they plan to make other people do theirs—they are strangely reluctant to say so. They will carry on endlessly about wages, hours, working conditions, exploitation, productivity, profitability. They'll gladly talk about anything but work itself. These experts who offer to do ourthinking for us rarely share their conclusions about work, for all its saliency in the lives of all of us. Among themselves they quibble over the details. Unions and management agree that we ought to sell the time of our lives in exchange for survival, although they haggle over the price. Marxists think we should be bossed by bureaucrats. Libertarians think we should be bossed by businessmen. Feminists don't care which form bossing takes so long as the bosses are women. Clearly these ideology-mongers have serious differences over how to divvy up the spoils of power. Just as clearly, none of them have any objection to power as such and all of them want to keep us working.

You may be wondering if I'm joking or serious. I'm joking andserious. To be ludic is not to be ludicrous. Play doesn't have to befrivolous, although frivolity isn't triviality: very often we ought totake frivolity seriously. I'd like life to be a game—but a game withhigh stakes. I want to play for keeps.

The alternative to work isn't just idleness. To be ludic is not to bequaaludic. As much as I treasure the pleasure of torpor, it's nevermore rewarding than when it punctuates other pleasures and pastimes. Nor am I promoting the managed time-disciplined safety-valve called"leisure"; far from it. Leisure is nonwork for the sake of work. Leisure is the time spent recovering from work and in the frenzied bu thopeless attempt to forget about work. Many people return from vacation so beat that they look forward to returning to work so they can rest up. The main difference between work and leisure is that work at least youget paid for your alienation and enervation.

I am not playing definitional games with anybody. When I say I want toabolish work, I mean just what I say, but I want to say what I mean bydefining my terms in non-idiosyncratic ways. My minimum definition ofwork is forced labor, that is, compulsory production. Both elementsare essential. Work is production enforced by economic or politicalmeans, by the carrot or the stick. (The carrot is just the stick byother means. ) But not all creation is work. Work is never done for itsown sake, it's done on account of some product or output that theworker (or, more often, somebody else) gets out of it. This is whatwork necessarily is. To define it is to despise it. But work isusually even worse than its definition decrees. The dynamic ofdomination intrinsic to work tends over time toward elaboration. Inadvanced work-riddled societies, including all industrial societieswhether capitalist of "Communist," work invariably acquires otherattributes which accentuate its obnoxiousness.

Usually—and this is even more true in "Communist" than capitalistcountries, where the state is almost the only employer and everyone isan employee—work is employment, i. e. , wage-labor, which meansselling yourself on the installment plan. Thus 95% of Americans whowork, work for somebody (or something) else. In the USSR or Cuba orYugoslavia or any other alternative model which might be adduced, thecorresponding figure approaches 100%. Only the embattled Third Worldpeasant bastions—Mexico, India, Brazil, Turkey—temporarilyshelter significant concentrations of agriculturists who perpetuate thetraditional arrangement of most laborers in the last several millenia,the payment of taxes (= ransom) to the state or rent to parasiticlandlords in return for being otherwise left alone. Even this raw dealis beginning to look good. All industrial (and office) workers areemployees and under the sort of surveillance which ensures servility.

But modern work has worse implications. People don't just work, they have "jobs. " One person does one productive task all the time on an or-else basis. Even if the task has a quantum of intrinsic interest (as increasingly many jobs don't) the monotony of its obligatory exclusivity drains its ludic potential. A "job" that might engage the energies ofsome people, for a reasonably limited time, for the fun of it, is just a burden on those who have to do it for forty hours a week with no say in how it should be done, for the profit of owners who contribute nothing to the project, and with no opportunity for sharing tasks or spreading the work among those who actually have to do it. This is the real worldof work: a world of bureaucratic blundering, of sexual harassment and discrimination, of bonehead bosses exploiting and scapegoating theirsubordinates who—by any rational-technical criteria—shouldbe calling the shots. But capitalism in the real world subordinates the rational maximization of productivity and profit to the exigencies of organizational control.

The degradation which most workers experience on the job is the sum ofassorted indignities which can be denominated as "discipline. " Foucaulthas complexified this phenomenon but it is simple enough. Disciplineconsists of the totality of totalitarian controls at the workplace --surveillance, rotework, imposed work tempos, production quotas,punching -in and -out, etc. Discipline is what the factory and the office and the store share with the prison and the school and the mental hospital. It is something historically original and horrible. It was beyond the capacities of such demonic dictators of yore as Nero and Genghis Khan and Ivan the Terrible. For all their bad intentions they just didn't have the machinery to control their subjects as thoroughly as modern despots do. Discipline is the distinctively diabolical modernmode of control, it is an innovative intrusion which must be interdicted at the earliest opportunity.

Such is "work. " Play is just the opposite. Play is always voluntary. What might otherwise be play is work if it's forced. This is axiomatic. Bernie de Koven has defined play as the "suspension of consequences. "This is unacceptable if it implies that play is inconsequential. Thepoint is not that play is without consequences. This is to demeanplay. The point is that the consequences, if any, are gratuitous. Playing and giving are closely related, they are the behavioral and transactional facets of the same impulse, the play-instinct. They share an aristocratic disdain for results. The player gets something out ofplaying; that's why he plays. But the core reward is the experienceof the activity itself (whatever it is). Some otherwise attentive students of play, like Johan Huizinga (Homo Ludens), define it as game-playing or following rules. I respect Huizinga's erudition butemphatically reject his constraints. There are many good games (chess,baseball, Monopoly, bridge) which are rule-governed but there is muchmore to play than game-playing. Conversation, sex, dancing, travel --these practices aren't rule-governed but they are surely play ifanything is. And rules can be played with at least as readily asanything else.

Work makes a mockery of freedom. The official line is that we all haverights and live in a democracy. Other unfortunates who aren't free likewe are have to live in police states. These victims obey orders or-else, no matter how arbitrary. The authorities keep them underregular surveillance. State bureaucrats control even the smallerdetails of everyday life. The officials who push them around are answerable only to higher-ups, public or private. Either way, dissent and disobedience are punished. Informers report regularly to theauthorities. All this is supposed to be a very bad thing.

And so it is, although it is nothing but a description of the modern workplace. The liberals and conservatives and libertarians who lament totalitarianism are phonies and hypocrites. There is more freedom in any moderately deStalinized dictatorship than there is in the ordinary American workplace. You find the same sort of hierarchy and discipline in an office or factory as you do in a prison or monastery. In fact, as Foucault and others have shown, prisons and factories came in at about the same time, and their operators consciously borrowed from each other's control techniques. A worker is a part time slave. The boss says when to show up, when to leave, and what to do in the meantime. He tells you how much work to do and how fast. He is free to carry his control to humiliating extremes, regulating, if he feels like it, the clothes you wear or how often you go to the bathroom. With a few exceptions he can fire you for any reason, or no reason. He has you spied on by snitches and supervisors, he amasses a dossier on every employee. Talking back is called "insubordination," just as if a worker is a naughty child, and it not only gets you fired, it disqualifies you for unemployment compensation. Without necessarily endorsing it for them either, it is noteworthy that children at home and in school receive much the same treatment, justified in their case by their supposed immaturity. What does this say about their parents and teachers who work?

The demeaning system of domination I've described rules over half thewaking hours of a majority of women and the vast majority of men fordecades, for most of their lifespans. For certain purposes it's not too misleading to call our system democracy or capitalism or—betterstill—industrialism, but its real names are factory fascism andoffice oligarchy. Anybody who says these people are "free" is lying or stupid. You are what you do. If you do boring, stupid monotonous work,chances are you'll end up boring, stupid and monotonous. Work is a muchbetter explanation for the creeping cretinization all around us than even such significant moronizing mechanisms as television and education. People who are regimented all their lives, handed off to work fromschool and bracketed by the family in the beginning and the nursing homeat the end, are habituated to heirarchy and psychologically enslaved. Their aptitude for autonomy is so atrophied that their fear of freedomis among their few rationally grounded phobias. Their obedience training at work carries over into the families they start, thus reproducing the system in more ways than one, and into politics, cultureand everything else. Once you drain the vitality from people at work, they'll likely submit to heirarchy and expertise in everything. They'reused to it.

We are so close to the world of work that we can't see what it does tous. We have to rely on outside observers from other times or othercultures to appreciate the extremity and the pathology of our presentposition. There was a time in our own past when the "work ethic" wouldhave been incomprehensible, and perhaps Weber was on to something whenhe tied its appearance to a religion, Calvinism, which if it emergedtoday instead of four centuries ago would immediately and appropriatelybe labeled a cult. Be that as it may, we have only to draw upon thewisdom of antiquity to put work in perspective. The ancients saw workfor what it is, and their view prevailed, the Calvinist cranksnotwithstanding, until overthrown by industrialism—but not beforereceiving the endorsement of its prophets.

Let's pretend for a moment that work doesn't turn people into stultified submissives. Let's pretend, in defiance of any plausible psychology and the ideology of its boosters, that it has no effect on the formation of character. And let's pretend that work isn't as boring and tiring and humiliating as we all know it really is. Even then, work would still make a mockery of all humanistic and democratic aspirations, just because it usurps so much of our time. Socrates said that manual laborers make bad friends and bad citizens because they have no time to fulfill the responsibilities of friendship and citizenship. He was right. Because of work, no matter what we do we keep looking at our watches. The only thing "free" about so-called free time is that it doesn't cost the boss anything. Free time is mostly devoted to getting ready for work, going to work, returning from work, and recovering from work. Free time is a euphemism for the peculiar way labor as a factor of production not only transports itself at its own expense to and from the workplace but assumes primary responsibility for its own maintenance and repair. Coal and steel don't do that. Lathes and typewriters don't do that. But workers do. No wonder Edward G. Robinson in one of his gangster movies exclaimed, "Work is for saps!"

Both Plato and Xenophon attribute to Socrates and obviously share withhim an awareness of the destructive effects of work on the worker as acitizen and a human being. Herodotus identified contempt for work as anattribute of the classical Greeks at the zenith of their culture. To take only one Roman example, Cicero said that "whoever gives his labor for money sells himself and puts himself in the rank of slaves. " His candor is now rare, but contemporary primitive societies which we are wont to look down upon have provided spokesmen who have enlightened Western anthropologists. The Kapauku of West Irian, according toPosposil, have a conception of balance in life and accordingly work onlyevery other day, the day of rest designed "to regain the lost power and health. " Our ancestors, even as late as the eighteenth century whenthey were far along the path to our present predicament, at least were aware of what we have forgotten, the underside of industrialization. Their religious devotion to "St. Monday"—thus establishing a defacto five-day week 150-200 years before its legal consecration—wasthe despair of the earliest factory owners. They took a long time in submitting to the tyranny of the bell, predecessor of the time clock. In fact it was necessary for a generation or two to replace adult males with women accustomed to obedience and children who could be molded to fit industrial needs. Even the exploited peasants of the ancient regime wrested substantial time back from their landlord's work. According to Lafargue, a fourth of the French peasants' calendar was devoted to Sundays and holidays, and Chayanov's figures from villages inCzarist Russia—hardly a progressive society—likewise show a fourth or fifth of peasants' days devoted to repose. Controlling for productivity, we are obviously far behind these backward societies. Theexploited muzhiks would wonder why any of us are working at all. Soshould we.

To grasp the full enormity of our deterioration, however, consider theearliest condition of humanity, without government or property, whenwe wandered as hunter-gatherers. Hobbes surmised that life was then nasty, brutish and short. Others assume that life was a desperate unremitting struggle for subsistence, a war waged against a harsh Naturewith death and disaster awaiting the unlucky or anyone who was unequalto the challenge of the struggle for existence. Actually, that was alla projection of fears for the collapse of government authority over communities unaccustomed to doing without it, like the England of Hobbes during the Civil War. Hobbes' compatriots had already encounteredalternative forms of society which illustrated other ways of life—in North America, particularly—but already these were too remote fromtheir experience to be understandable. (The lower orders, closer to thecondition of the Indians, understood it better and often found itattractive. Throughout the seventeenth century, English settlersdefected to Indian tribes or, captured in war, refused to return. Butthe Indians no more defected to white settlements than Germans climb theBerlin Wall from the west. ) The "survival of the fittest" version --the Thomas Huxley version—of Darwinism was a better account ofeconomic conditions in Victorian England than it was of naturalselection, as the anarchist Kropotkin showed in his book Mutual Aid,A Factor of Evolution. (Kropotkin was a scientist—ageographer—who'd had ample involuntary opportunity for fieldwork whilst exiled in Siberia: he knew what he was talking about. ) Like most social and political theory, the story Hobbes and his successors told was really unacknowledged autobiography.

The anthropologist Marshall Sahlins, surveying the data on contemporary hunter-gatherers, exploded the Hobbesian myth in an article entitled"The Original Affluent Society. " They work a lot less than we do, andtheir work is hard to distinguish from what we regard as play. Sahlins concluded that "hunters and gatherers work less than we do; and rather than a continuous travail, the food quest is intermittent, leisure abundant, and there is a greater amount of sleep in the daytime per capita per year than in any other condition of society. " They worked anaverage of four hours a day, assuming they were "working" at all. Their "labor," as it appears to us, was skilled labor which exercised their physical and intellectual capacities; unskilled labor on any largescale, as Sahlins says, is impossible except under industrialism. Thusit satisfied Friedrich Schiller's definition of play, the only occasionon which man realizes his complete humanity by giving full "play" to both sides of his twofold nature, thinking and feeling. As he put it:"The animal works when deprivation is the mainspring of its activity,and it plays when the fullness of its strength is this mainspring, when superabundant life is its own stimulus to activity. " (A modernversion—dubiously developmental—is Abraham Maslow's counterposition of "deficiency" and "growth" motivation. ) Play and freedom are, asregards production, coextensive. Even Marx, who belongs (for all hisgood intentions) in the productivist pantheon, observed that "the realmof freedom does not commence until the point is passed where labor underthe compulsion of necessity and external utility is required. " He nevercould quite bring himself to identify this happy circumstance as whatit is, the abolition of work—it's rather anomalous, after all, to bepro-worker and anti-work—but we can.

The aspiration to go backwards or forwards to a life without work isevident in every serious social or cultural history of pre-industrialEurope, among them M. Dorothy George's England In Transition andPeter Burke's Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe. Alsopertinent is Daniel Bell's essay, "Work and its Discontents," the firsttext, I believe, to refer to the "revolt against work" in so many words and, had it been understood, an important correction to the complacency ordinarily associated with the volume in which it was collected, TheEnd of Ideology. Neither critics nor celebrants have noticedthat Bell's end-of-ideology thesis signaled not the end of social unrest but the beginning of a new, uncharted phase unconstrained and uninformed by ideology. It was Seymour Lipset (in Political Man),not Bell, who announced at the same time that "the fundamental problems of the Industrial Revolution have been solved," only a few years before the post- or meta-industrial discontents of college students drove Lipset from UC Berkeley to the relative (and temporary) tranquility of Harvard.

As Bell notes, Adam Smith in The Wealth of Nations, for all his enthusiasm for the market and the division of labor, was more alert to(and more honest about) the seamy side of work than Ayn Rand or the Chicago economists or any of Smith's modern epigones. As Smith observed: "The understandings of the greater part of men are necessarilyformed by their ordinary employments. The man whose life is spent inperforming a few simple operations. . . has no occasion to exert hisunderstanding. . . He generally becomes as stupid and ignorant as it ispossible for a human creature to become. " Here, in a few blunt words, is my critique of work. Bell, writing in 1956, the Golden Age of Eisenhower imbecility and American self-satisfaction, identified the unorganized, unorganizable malaise of the 1970's and since, the one nopolitical tendency is able to harness, the one identified in HEW'sreport Work in America, the one which cannot be exploited and sois ignored. That problem is the revolt against work. It does not figure in any text by any laissez-faire economist—Milton Friedman, Murray Rothbard, Richard Posner—because, in their terms, as they used to say on Star Trek, [sic] "it does not compute. "

If these objections, informed by the love of liberty, fail to persuadehumanists of a utilitarian or even paternalist turn, there are otherswhich they cannot disregard. Work is hazardous to your health, toborrow a book title. In fact, work is mass murder or genocide. Directly or indirectly, work will kill most of the people who read thesewords. Between 14,000 and 25,000 workers are killed annually in this country on the job. Over two million are disabled. Twenty totwenty-five million are injured every year. And these figures are basedon a very conservative estimation of what constitutes a work-related injury. Thus they don't count the half million cases of occupationaldisease every year. I looked at one medical textbook on occupational diseases which was 1,200 pages long. Even this barely scratches thesurface. The available statistics count the obvious cases like the100,000 miners who have black lung disease, of whom 4,000 die everyyear, a much higher fatality rate than for AIDS, for instance, which gets so much media attention. This reflects the unvoiced assumption that AIDS afflicts perverts who could control their depravity whereas coal-mining is a sacrosanct activity beyond question. What the statistics don't show is that tens of millions of people have their lifespans shortened by work —which is all that homicide means, after all. Consider the doctors who work themselves to death in their 50's. Consider all the other workaholics.

Even if you aren't killed or crippled while actually working, you very well might be while going to work, coming from work, looking for work,or trying to forget about work. The vast majority of victims of the automobile are either doing one of these work-obligatory activities or else fall afoul of those who do them. To this augmented body-count must be added the victims of auto-industrial pollution and work-induced alcoholism and drug addiction. Both cancer and heart disease are modern afflictions normally traceable, directly, or indirectly, to work.

Work, then, institutionalizes homicide as a way of life. People thinkthe Cambodians were crazy for exterminating themselves, but are we anydifferent? The Pol Pot regime at least had a vision, however blurred,of an egalitarian society. We kill people in the six-figure range (at least) in order to sell Big Macs and Cadillacs to the survivors. Our forty or fifty thousand annual highway fatalities are victims, notmartyrs. They died for nothing—or rather, they died for work. But work is nothing to die for.

Bad news for liberals: regulatory tinkering is useless in this life-and-death context. The federal Occupational Safety and Health Administration was designed to police the core part of the problem, workplace safety. Even before Reagan and the Supreme Court stifled it, OSHA was a farce. At previous and (by current standards) generous Carter-era funding levels, a workplace could expect a random visit froman OSHA inspector once every 46 years.

State control of the economy is no solution. Work is, if anything, more dangerous in the state-socialist countries than it is here. Thousands of Russian workers were killed or injured building the Moscow subway. Stories reverberate about covered-up Soviet nuclear disasters whichmake Times Beach and Three-Mile Island look like elementary-schoolair-raid drills. On the other hand, deregulation, currently fashionable, won't help and will probably hurt. From a health and safety standpoint, among others, work was at its worst in the days when the economy most closely approximated laissez-faire.

Historians like Eugene Genovese have argued persuasively that—as antebellum slavery apologists insisted—factory wage-workers in the Northern American states and in Europe were worse off than Southern plantation slaves. No rearrangement of relations among bureaucrats and businessmen seems to make much difference at the point of production. Serious enforcement of even the rather vague standards enforceable intheory by OSHA would probably bring the economy to a standstill. The enforcers apparently appreciate this, since they don't even try to crackdown on most malefactors.

What I've said so far ought not to be controversial. Many workers arefed up with work. There are high and rising rates of absenteeism,turnover, employee theft and sabotage, wildcat strikes, and overallgoldbricking on the job. There may be some movement toward a consciousand not just visceral rejection of work. And yet the prevalent feeling,universal among bosses and their agents and also widespread amongworkers themselves is that work itself is inevitable and necessary.

I disagree. It is now possible to abolish work and replace it, insofar as it serves useful purposes, with a multitude of new kinds of free activities. To abolish work requires going at it from two directions, quantitative and qualitative. On the one hand, on the quantitative side, we have to cut down massively on the amount of work being done. At present most work is useless or worse and we should simply get rid of it. On the other hand—and I think this is the crux of the matter and the revolutionary new departure—we have to take what useful work remains and transform it into a pleasing variety of game-like and craft-like pastimes, indistinguishable from other pleasurable pastimes, except that they happen to yield useful end-products. Surely that shouldn't make them less enticing to do. Then all the artificial barriers of power and property could come down. Creation could become recreation. And we could all stop being afraid of each other.

I don't suggest that most work is salvageable in this way. But thenmost work isn't worth trying to save. Only a small and diminishingfraction of work serves any useful purpose independent of the defense and reproduction of the work-system and its political and legal appendages. Twenty years ago, Paul and Percival Goodman estimated that just five percent of the work then being done—presumably the figure,if accurate, is lower now—would satisfy our minimal needs for food, clothing, and shelter. Theirs was only an educated guess but the mainpoint is quite clear: directly or indirectly, most work serves the unproductive purposes of commerce or social control. Right off the bat we can liberate tens of millions of salesmen, soldiers, managers, cops, stockbrokers, clergymen, bankers, lawyers, teachers, landlords, securityguards, ad-men and everyone who works for them. There is a snowball effect since every time you idle some bigshot you liberate his flunkeys and underlings also. Thus the economy implodes.

Forty percent of the workforce are white-collar workers, most of whomhave some of the most tedious and idiotic jobs ever concocted. Entire industries, insurance and banking and real estate for instance, consistof nothing but useless paper-shuffling. It is no accident that the"tertiary sector," the service sector, is growing while the "secondary sector" (industry) stagnates and the "primary sector" (agriculture) nearly disappears. Because work is unnecessary except to those whosepower it secures, workers are shifted from relatively useful torelatively useless occupations as a measure to assure public order. Anything is better than nothing. That's why you can't go home justbecause you finish early. They want your time, enough of it to make you theirs, even if they have no use for most of it. Otherwise why hasn't the average work week gone down by more than a few minutes in thepast fifty years?

Next we can take a meat-cleaver to production work itself. No more warproduction, nuclear power, junk food, feminine hygiene deodorant—andabove all, no more auto industry to speak of. An occasional Stanley Steamer or Model-T might be all right, but the auto-eroticism on which such pestholes as Detroit and Los Angeles depend on is out of thequestion. Already, without even trying, we've virtually solved the energy crisis, the environmental crisis and assorted other insoluble social problems.

Finally, we must do away with far and away the largest occupation, theone with the longest hours, the lowest pay and some of the most tedioustasks around. I refer to housewives doing housework and child-rearing. By abolishing wage-labor and achieving full unemployment we undermine the sexual division of labor. The nuclear family as we know it is an inevitable adaptation to the division of labor imposed by modern wage-work. Like it or not, as things have been for the last century or two it is economically rational for the man to bring home thebacon, for the woman to do the shitwork to provide him with a haven in a heartless world, and for the children to be marched off to youth concentration camps called "schools," primarily to keep them out ofMom's hair but still under control, but incidentally to acquire thehabits of obedience and punctuality so necessary for workers. If you would be rid of patriarchy, get rid of the nuclear family whose unpaid "shadow work," as Ivan Illich says, makes possible the work-system that makes it necessary. Bound up with this no-nukes strategy is theabolition of childhood and the closing of the schools. There are more full-time students than full-time workers in this country. We need children as teachers, not students. They have a lot to contribute tothe ludic revolution because they're better at playing than grown-upsare. Adults and children are not identical but they will become equalthrough interdependence. Only play can bridge the generation gap.

I haven't as yet even mentioned the possibility of cutting way down on the little work that remains by automating and cybernizing it. All the scientists and engineers and technicians freed from bothering with war research and planned obsolescence would have a good time devising means to eliminate fatigue and tedium and danger from activities like mining. Undoubtedly they'll find other projects to amuse themselves with. Perhaps they'll set up world-wide all-inclusive multi-media communications systems or found space colonies. Perhaps. I myself am no gadget freak. I wouldn't care to live in a pushbutton paradise. I don't want robot slaves to do everything; I want to do things myself. There is, I think, a place for labor-saving technology, but a modest place. The historical and pre-historical record is not encouraging. When productive technology went from hunting-gathering to agriculture and on to industry, work increased while skills and self-determination diminished. The further evolution of industrialism has accentuated what Harry Braverman called the degradation of work. Intelligent observers have always been aware of this. John Stuart Mill wrote that all the labor-saving inventions ever devised haven't saved a moment's labor. Karl Marx wrote that "it would be possible to write a history of the inventions, made since 1830, for the sole purpose of supplying capital with weapons against the revolts of the working class. " The enthusiastic technophiles—Saint-Simon, Comte, Lenin, B. F. Skinner—have always been unabashed authoritarians also; which is to say, technocrats. We should be more than sceptical about the promises of the computer mystics. They work like dogs; chances are, if they have their way, so will the rest of us. But if they have any particularized contributions more readily subordinated to human purposes than the run of high tech, let's give them a hearing.

What I really want to see is work turned into play. A first step is todiscard the notions of a "job" and an "occupation. " Even activities thatalready have some ludic content lose most of it by being reduced to jobs which certain people, and only those people are forced to do to theexclusion of all else. Is it not odd that farm workers toil painfullyin the fields while their air-conditioned masters go home every weekendand putter about in their gardens? Under a system of permanent revelry, we will witness the Golden Age of the dilettante which will put the Renaissance to shame. There won't be any more jobs, just things to do and people to do them.

The secret of turning work into play, as Charles Fourier demonstrated,is to arrange useful activities to take advantage of whatever it is thatvarious people at various times in fact enjoy doing. To make it possible for some people to do the things they could enjoy it will be enough just to eradicate the irrationalities and distortions which afflict these activities when they are reduced to work. I, for instance, would enjoy doing some (not too much) teaching, but I don't want coerced students and I don't care to suck up to pathetic pedants for tenure.

Second, there are some things that people like to do from time to time, but not for too long, and certainly not all the time. You might enjoybaby-sitting for a few hours in order to share the company of kids, but not as much as their parents do. The parents meanwhile, profoundly appreciate the time to themselves that you free up for them, although they'd get fretful if parted from their progeny for too long. These differences among individuals are what make a life of free play possible. The same principle applies to many other areas of activity, especially the primal ones. Thus many people enjoy cooking when they can practice it seriously at their leisure, but not when they're just fueling up human bodies for work.

Third—other things being equal—some things that are unsatisfyingif done by yourself or in unpleasant surroundings or at the orders of anoverlord are enjoyable, at least for a while, if these circumstances are changed. This is probably true, to some extent, of all work. People deploy their otherwise wasted ingenuity to make a game of the leastinviting drudge-jobs as best they can. Activities that appeal to some people don't always appeal to all others, but everyone at least potentially has a variety of interests and an interest in variety. As the saying goes, "anything once. " Fourier was the master at speculating how aberrant and perverse penchants could be put to use inpost-civilized society, what he called Harmony. He thought the Emperor Nero would have turned out all right if as a child he could have indulged his taste for bloodshed by working in a slaughterhouse. Small children who notoriously relish wallowing in filth could be organized in "Little Hordes" to clean toilets and empty the garbage, with medals awarded to the outstanding. I am not arguing for these precise examplesbut for the underlying principle, which I think makes perfect sense asone dimension of an overall revolutionary transformation. Bear in mindthat we don't have to take today's work just as we find it and match itup with the proper people, some of whom would have to be perverse indeed. If technology has a role in all this it is less to automate work out of existence than to open up new realms for re/creation. Tosome extent we may want to return to handicrafts, which William Morris considered a probable and desirable upshot of communist revolution. Art would be taken back from the snobs and collectors, abolished as a specialized department catering to an elite audience, and its qualities of beauty and creation restored to integral life from which they were stolen by work. It's a sobering thought that the grecian urns we writeodes about and showcase in museums were used in their own time to store olive oil. I doubt our everyday artifacts will fare as well in the future, if there is one. The point is that there's no such thing as progress in the world of work; if anything it's just the opposite. We shouldn't hesitate to pilfer the past for what it has to offer, the ancients lose nothing yet we are enriched.

The reinvention of daily life means marching off the edge of our maps. There is, it is true, more suggestive speculation than most peoplesuspect. Besides Fourier and Morris—and even a hint, here and there,in Marx—there are the writings of Kropotkin, the syndicalists Pataudand Pouget, anarcho-communists old (Berkman) and new (Bookchin). TheGoodman brothers' Communitas is exemplary for illustrating what forms follow from given functions (purposes), and there is something to be gleaned from the often hazy heralds ofalternative/appropriate/intermediate/convivial technology, like Schumacher and especially Illich, once you disconnect their fogmachines. The situationists—as represented by Vaneigem'sRevolution of Daily Life and in the Situationist International Anthology—are so ruthlessly lucid as to beexhilarating, even if they never did quite square the endorsement of the rule of the worker's councils with the abolition of work. Better their incongruity, though than any extant version of leftism, whose devotees look to be the last champions of work, for if there were no work there would be no workers, and without workers, who would the left have to organize?

So the abolitionists would be largely on their own. No one can say whatwould result from unleashing the creative power stultified by work. Anything can happen. The tiresome debater's problem of freedom vs. necessity, with its theological overtones, resolves itself practically once the production of use-values is coextensive with the consumption of delightful play-activity.

Life will become a game, or rather many games, but not—as it is now-—a zero sum game. An optimal sexual encounter is the paradigm of productive play, The participants potentiate each other's pleasures, nobody keeps score, and everybody wins. The more you give, the more you get. In the ludic life, the best of sex will diffuse into the better part of daily life. Generalized play leads to the libidinization oflife. Sex, in turn, can become less urgent and desperate, more playful. If we play our cards right, we can all get more out of life than we putinto it; but only if we play for keeps.

No one should ever work. Workers of the world. . . relax!

—Bob Black, 1985

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